Establishment of Soviet power
October Revolution of 1917 in Russia
Great October Socialist Revolution took place October 25-26, 1917 ᴦ.(November 7-8, new style). This is one of the greatest events in the history of Russia, as a result of which dramatic changes occurred in the position of all classes of society.
The October Revolution began as a result of a number of significant reasons:
· In 1914-1918. Russia was involved in the first world war, the situation at the front was not the best, there was no intelligent leader, the army suffered heavy losses. In industry, the growth of military products prevailed over consumer products, which led to rising prices and caused discontent among the masses. The soldiers and peasants wanted peace, and the bourgeoisie, who profited from the supply of military equipment, longed for the continuation of hostilities.
· National conflicts.
· The intensity of the class struggle. The peasants, who for centuries dreamed of getting rid of the oppression of the landowners and kulaks and taking possession of the land, were ready for decisive action.
· Prevalence of socialist ideas in society.
The Bolshevik Party achieved enormous influence on the masses. In October there were already 400 thousand people on their side. October 16, 1917 ᴦ. The Military Revolutionary Committee was created, which began preparations for an armed uprising. During the revolution by October 25, 1917 ᴦ. all key points in the city were occupied by the Bolsheviks, led by V.I. Lenin. They seize the Winter Palace and arrest the provisional government.
On the evening of October 25, at the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, it was announced that power would pass to the 2nd Congress of Soviets, and locally - to the Councils of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.
On October 26, the Decree on Peace and Land was adopted. At the congress, a Soviet government was formed, called the “Council of People's Commissars,” which included: Lenin himself (chairman), L.D. Trotsky (People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs), I.V. Stalin (People's Commissar for National Affairs). The “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” was introduced, which stated that all people have equal rights to freedom and development, there is no longer a nation of masters and a nation of the oppressed.
As a result of the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks won a victory and the dictatorship of the proletariat was established. Class society was abolished, the land of the landowners was transferred into the hands of the peasants, and industrial structures: factories, factories, mines - into the hands of the workers.
As a result of the October coup, the Civil War began, due to which millions of people died, and emigration to other countries began. The Great October Revolution influenced the subsequent course of world history.
From October to February 1917 ᴦ. The establishment of Soviet power began on the territory of the former Russian Empire.
On October 25, the 2nd Congress of Soviets adopted a decree on power, according to which it transferred to the councils of workers, soldiers and peasants' deputies.
On October 27, a resolution was adopted on the creation of a temporary (until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) Soviet government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), which included the Bolsheviks (62) and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries (29). It was headed by Lenin. People's Commissariats (more than 20) were created in all areas (economy, culture, education, etc.).
The Congress of Soviets became the highest legislative body. In the intervals between congresses, its functions were performed by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), which was headed by L.B. Kamenev, a. then Y.M.Sverdlov.
Elections to the Constituent Assembly held in November 1917. showed that 76% of voters do not support the Bolsheviks. They voted for the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Cadets, who were pursuing a course towards establishing bourgeois democracy. At the same time, the Bolsheviks were supported by large cities, industrial centers, and soldiers.
In January 1917 ᴦ. The Bolsheviks dispersed the Constituent Assembly, banned the Cadets Party and the publication of opposition newspapers.
In December 1918 ᴦ. The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) is created to combat counter-revolution, profiteering and sabotage and its local departments in the regions.
The Cheka, headed by F.E. Dzerzhinsky, had unlimited powers (including execution) and played a huge role in establishing Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
In January 1918 ᴦ. The Decree on the Organization of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army and Navy was adopted. Created on a voluntary basis from representatives of the working people, the army was intended to defend the gains of the proletariat.
In May 1918 ᴦ. In connection with the danger of intervention, the “Decree on General Military Duty” was adopted. By November 1918 ᴦ. L. Trotsky managed to create a regular combat-ready army, and by 1921 ᴦ. its population reached 4 million people.
Using agitation and violent methods (the whole family was taken hostage for refusing to cooperate with the Red Army), the Bolsheviks managed to attract more military specialists from the old tsarist army to their side than the whites.
After the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly and the signing of the shameful Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty with Germany, the socio-political situation in the country worsened. Actions against the Bolshevik power began: a revolt of cadets in Petrograd, the creation of the Volunteer Army on the Don, the beginning White movement, peasant unrest in central Russia.
The most pressing problem facing the new government was the exit from the war. The first negotiations were disrupted by L. Trotsky. Taking advantage of this, German troops launched an offensive along the entire front line and, without encountering resistance, occupied Minsk, Polotsk, Orsha, Tallinn and many other territories. The front collapsed, and the army was unable to resist even the small German forces.
February 23, 1918 ᴦ. Lenin achieved the acceptance of the German ultimatum, and signed a “obscene” peace with Germany’s colossal territorial and material claims.
Having received a respite, having suffered huge losses in order to preserve the gains of the revolution, the Soviet Republic began economic transformations.
In December 1917 ᴦ. The Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh) was organized, the largest banks, enterprises, transport, trade, etc. were nationalized.
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State-owned enterprises became the basis of the socialist structure of the economy.
July 4, 1918 ᴦ. The 5th Congress of Soviets adopted the first Soviet constitution, which proclaimed the creation of the state - the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.
The establishment of Soviet power - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "Establishment of Soviet power" 2017, 2018.
Transformation of the Soviet Republic into a single military camp. Military pressure on Soviet Russia already in the spring of 1918 posed the task of creating a large, combat-ready Red Army, but it was not easy to do this quickly. January 15, 1918 Lenin signed a decree on... .
At the Second Congress of Soviets, which opened in Smolny on the evening of October 25 (out of 650 delegates, 390 Bolsheviks and 150 left Socialist Revolutionaries), after the failure of an attempt to avoid bloodshed and create a general democratic or homogeneous socialist government, Yu. Martov and those behind him... .
HODZ AFTER THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION At the end of October. In 1917, Soviet power was established in Russia. In the spring of 1918, the Kuban workers, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, took power into their own hands. In uniting the revolutionary forces of the Adyghe people with the Russians, a decisive role... .
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Main dates and events: October 25 - armed uprising in Petrograd, beginning of the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets; October 26 - adoption of the Decree on Peace, Decree on Land, formation of the Council of People's Commissars headed by V.I. Lenin; October 25, 1917 - March 1918 - establishment of Soviet power... .
October events of 1917: overthrow of the Provisional Government, Second Congress of Soviets By the fall of 1917, a nationwide socio-political crisis had broken out in the country: a catastrophic drop in the standard of living of the population, widespread dissatisfaction with government policies, strengthening... .
On the morning of October 24, 1917, in response to the destruction by cadets of the printing house where the Workers' Way was printed, the Bolshevik Central Committee and the Military Revolutionary Committee took measures for defense and to neutralize parts of the Provisional Government. Already in the afternoon of October 24, the troops of the Military Revolutionary Committee begin to push back the almost unresisting... .
a) The October armed uprising and the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets and its decrees After the rejection of the compromise proposed by the Bolsheviks in early September and the failure of the attempt to form a homogeneous socialist government during the Democratic... .
The inability of the Provisional Government to solve the problems of the democratic revolution and the inconsistent policies of the ruling parties led them to political bankruptcy. In this situation, on the night of October 24-25, 1917, an armed uprising of workers won in Petrograd and... .
Abstract on the history of Russia
Action of anti-Soviet forces On October 24, the All-Russian Committee was formed in Petrograd “ saving the motherland and the revolution" It includes the city council and delegates who left the congress. 26.10 Kerensky gives the order to march on Petrograd. The troops are commanded by General Krasnov. At his disposal were several Cossack hundreds, cadets and small military units - about 5 thousand people. On 10/28 Krasnov occupied Tsarskoe Selo, and on 10/29 a cadet uprising broke out in Petrograd. Krasnov's offensive and the uprising of the cadets were suppressed. An attempt to peacefully liquidate the SNK with the help of the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Railway Workers' Trade Union (VIKZHEL). Under the threat of a strike, VIKZHEL demands the creation of a multi-party socialist government. The idea was supported by some Bolshevik leaders (Kamenev, Rykov). As a result of Lenin's victory over the opposition, a split occurred in the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the Council of People's Commissars. 15 people announced their resignation. Sverdlov was elected chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Kamenev resigns).
Establishment of Soviet power in Moscow. The struggle in Moscow turned out to be more protracted and serious than in Petrograd. In Moscow, under the Soviets, the Military Revolutionary Committee is created (led by the Bolsheviks). There was no unity in the Military Revolutionary Committee (5 out of 13 members of the Military Revolutionary Committee were against armed action). In addition, the “Salvation Society” committee is vying for power. The Military Revolutionary Committee occupied the Kremlin. On 28.10, cadets and officers carried out reprisals against the Kremlin garrison. A general strike began in Moscow, which grew into an uprising. 2.11 The Soviets took power. 3.11 revolutionary troops captured the Kremlin.
Establishment of Soviet power locally. There was also a third center of resistance - the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev. 9.11 Commander-in-Chief Dukhonin, who refused to obey the orders of the Council of People's Commissars, was removed, and Krylenko was appointed in his place. The headquarters was captured by the capital's troops, and Dukhonin was killed by soldiers.
The process, called by Lenin " The triumphal march of Soviet power"(late October 1917 - March 1918), was neither simple nor brief, especially in peasant regions, primarily in the Central Black Earth, where the Socialist Revolutionaries enjoyed strong influence. Revolutionary power was established in the cities, and then in the surrounding villages.
End of 1917 - beginning of 1918 - Cossack counter-revolution on the Don. Ataman Kaledin spoke out against Soviet power. Antonov-Ovseenko, at the head of the Red Guard and revolutionary regiments, suppressed Kaledin's speech. Kaledin shot himself. During the same period - the rebellion of Ataman Dutov in Orenburg. The rebellion is suppressed. In March, the Don Soviet Republic was proclaimed. Soviet power won relatively easily even in Siberia and Kazakhstan. This was due to the lack single center from the enemy.
Victory of the revolution in national areas. First, Soviet power was established in Belarus, then in the Baltic states. In Ukraine, power was seized by the Central Rada, which relied on German bayonets. The Germans then dispersed the Rada and replaced it with Hetman Skoropadsky. Later, Soviet power is established in Transcaucasia and Central Asia.
Socio-economic and political transformations of Soviet power. Creation and strengthening of Soviet statehood. The demolition of the old state machine and the creation of a new one, based on the councils. The construction of a new state presupposed the use of old technical, accounting, economic and supply bodies. Creation of a local apparatus. Creation of organs for the protection of Soviet power. 12/7/1917 - the Cheka is created under the Council of People's Commissars (headed by Dzerzhinsky). The militia of the Provisional Government is liquidated and the Soviet militia is created. The old army is being demobilized and a new Red Army is being created. Creation of courts and revolutionary tribunals. The death penalty is being reinstated. Agreement between the Bolsheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries. In early December, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party held three-day negotiations with the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionaries. As a result of the negotiations, 7 Socialist Revolutionaries became commissars. The Social Revolutionaries are part of the leadership of the Red Army and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
Social transformation. Elimination of the remnants of feudalism: Decree on equalizing the rights of women and men, on the separation of church and state and school from church. National question: Declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia of November 2, 1917. (the equality of peoples and their right to self-determination is established). Social activities: eight-hour workday; labor protection system for women and adolescents; health and unemployment insurance; salary increase; free education and medical care; an attempt to solve the housing problem.
Economic transformation. An important act was the formation of the Supreme Economic Council (12/2/1917) with broad powers in the field of economics. Main sectoral committees are created under the Supreme Economic Council. Economic councils operate locally. Introduction of workers' control over the production and distribution of products. Nationalization of banks. The beginning of the nationalization of industry. Nationalization railways and merchant fleet. In the spring of 1918, entire industries were nationalized - sugar, oil. 01/28/1918 - Decree on the annulment of external and internal loans concluded by the tsarist and provisional governments. Conclusion: by the end of 1917, a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat was emerging, taking the form of the Bolshevik dictatorship.
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Establishment of Soviet power
The process of creating a new state covered the period from October 1917, the beginning of October revolution, until the summer of 1818, when Soviet statehood was enshrined in the Constitution. The central thesis of the new government was the idea of exporting the world revolution and creating a socialist state. As part of this idea, the slogan “Workers of all countries, unite!” was put forward. The main task of the Bolsheviks was the issue of power, so the main attention was paid not to socio-economic transformations, but to the strengthening of central and regional authorities.
On October 25, 1917, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the Decree on Power, which declared the transfer of all power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The arrest of the Provisional Government and the liquidation of local zemstvo and city councils were the first steps towards the destruction of the administration created by the previous government. On October 27, 1917, it was decided to form a Soviet government - Council of People's Commissars(S/F), which must be in force until the election of the Constituent Assembly. It included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Socialist Revolutionaries. Instead of ministries, more than 20 were created People's Commissariats (People's Commissariats). The highest legislative body became Congress of Soviets, led by Lenin. During the breaks between its sessions, legislative functions were carried out by All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), headed by L. Kamenev and M. Sverdlov. To combat counter-revolution and sabotage, it was formed All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), headed by F. Dzerzhinsky. Revolutionary courts were created for the same purpose. These bodies played a major role in the establishment of Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
In November-December 1917, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, during which the Social Revolutionaries received 40% of the votes, the Bolsheviks - 24%, and the Mensheviks - 2%. Thus, the Bolsheviks did not receive a majority and, realizing the threat to one-man rule, were forced to disperse the Constituent Assembly. On November 28, a blow was dealt to the Cadet Party - members of the Constituent Assembly who were members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, P. Dolgorukov, F. Kokoshkin, V. Stepanov, A. Shingarev and others were arrested. At the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which opened on January 5, 1918 .in the Tauride Palace, the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries who supported them found themselves in the minority. The majority of delegates refused to recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the government and demanded the transfer of full power to the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, on the night of January 6-7, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved a decree on dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. Demonstrations in his support were dispersed. Thus, the last democratically elected body collapsed. The repressions that began with the Cadet Party showed that the Bolsheviks were striving for dictatorship and one-man rule. Civil war became inevitable.
Back on November 10, 1917, the Council of People's Commissars decided to begin a gradual reduction of the incapacitated Russian army. On December 16, the election of command personnel was introduced and officials, all ranks and titles were abolished, all power in the army was transferred to soldiers' committees and Soviets.. On January 15, 1918, the Council of People's Commissars adopted a Decree on the creation of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA) on a volunteer basis, and on January 29 - the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army Fleet. By April 1918, the first stage of the construction of the Red Army was partially completed by creating a volunteer army of about 195 thousand people. In addition to representatives of various nationalities in Russia, it also included people from other countries, which corresponded to the Bolsheviks’ policy of supporting the world revolution in the future. At the beginning of March 1918, a Supreme Military Council was created to manage all military operations, the chairman of which was L. Trotsky. In April 1918, compulsory military training for workers and the poor peasants was introduced. The institution of military commissars was approved.
Trying to legitimize (i.e. legitimize, from the Latin lex - law), the power of the Bolsheviks at the V Congress of Soviets in Moscow in July 1918 was adopted Constitution, in which the victories of the Soviets were consolidated as an organ of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. Russia was proclaimed a federal republic and was now called the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic(RSFSR). The ultimate goal was to create a “socialist society” in which there would be neither division into classes nor state power. Workers received an advantage in the election of delegates to the congress - 1 deputy from 25 thousand people, peasants - from 125 thousand. Voting was open, voters elected delegates not at the congress, but through volost, district and provincial congresses. Thus, suffrage was indirect, unequal, and not universal. The Constitution had a clearly defined class character. After the signing of the enslaving Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who had previously been the only party that supported the Bolsheviks, came out with criticism. This became the reason for the establishment of a one-party system. The Left Socialist Revolutionaries were defeated, and the Bolshevik Party became the sole ruler of the country.
The first decrees of Soviet power Decree on Peace. The Decree on Peace is one of the first decrees of the Soviet government, a programmatic foreign policy document that was prepared by V.I. Lenin and adopted unanimously by the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on October 26 (November 8), 1917. He expressed the peaceful, humanistic nature of the new social system. The October Revolution was victorious in the context of the ongoing World War I. The question of leaving it was the most important for many millions of people. The decree contained a proposal to all warring peoples and governments to immediately begin negotiations on concluding a just, democratic peace - without annexations and indemnities. The decree was based on the possibility of peaceful coexistence with capitalist countries. For the first time in history, new principles of an international policy of peace and peaceful cooperation, proletarian internationalism, recognition of the full equality of all peoples, respect for their national and state independence, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries were proclaimed. The decree recognized the legality and justice of the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples and condemned the shameful colonial system. The decree begins with a call (proposal) to all warring countries to begin negotiations on a just, democratic world. It means, first of all, immediate peace without annexations and indemnities. The Russian government proposes to conclude such a peace to all warring peoples immediately and expresses its readiness to take all decisive steps to establish peace. By annexation, Lenin understands any accession to a large or strong state of a small or weak nationality without its consent. It should be noted that Lenin’s definition of annexation is somewhat different from its modern understanding. The difference is that in the modern understanding, annexation is the forcible annexation by a state of the territory of another state, but in the Leninist understanding, it is the forcible annexation of a nationality, i.e. historically formed community of people. The government believes that the continuation of the war is the greatest crime against humanity, and also expresses its readiness to sign peace terms on conditions equally fair for all. The decree draws special attention to the fact that these peace conditions are by no means ultimatums. Secret diplomacy was abolished, and the government's firm intention to conduct all negotiations openly before all the people was expressed. The government expressed its readiness to negotiate in any way, and to facilitate them appointed its plenipotentiary representatives to neutral countries. The decree puts forward a proposal to the warring countries to conclude a truce for a period of no less than three months, during which all the terms of peace could be finally approved through negotiations. The decree ends with a specific appeal to England, France and Germany with a call to end the war. The ruling circles of the imperialist countries of the Entente greeted the Soviet peace proposals with hostility. The decree was enthusiastically received by the people of Russia and foreign countries. On November 9, 1917, Lenin addressed soldiers and sailors on the radio with a call to elect representatives and enter into negotiations with the enemy on a truce. So-called “soldiers’ peaces” began to be concluded at the fronts. A wave of demonstrations and rallies demanding peace and support for Soviet Russia took place in Great Britain, France, and the United States. After the rejection of Soviet peace proposals by the Entente powers, the Soviet government was forced to begin negotiations with Germany, which resulted in the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty of 1918. The Peace Decree laid the foundations of Soviet foreign policy. Decree on land. The Decree on Land was also one of the first decrees of Soviet power. It was prepared by V.I. Lenin. It was adopted by the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on October 26 (November 8), 1917 at 2 a.m., i.e. actually October 27 (November 9). When working on the decree, Lenin used the order drawn up by the editors of the Izvestia of the All-Russian Council of Peasant Deputies, based on 242 local peasant orders (its section “On Land” was entirely included in the text of the decree). The decree abolished landlord ownership of land immediately without any redemption and transferred landlord, appanage, monastery, and church lands with all equipment and buildings to the disposal of volost land committees and district Soviets of Peasant Deputies, which were charged with the strictest observance of order during the confiscation of landlord estates. At the same time, any damage to confiscated property, which henceforth belonged to the entire people, was declared a serious crime. Such crimes were punishable by a revolutionary court (tribunal), which consisted of a chairman and 6 regular assessors elected by provincial and city councils. The district Soviets of Peasants' Deputies had to take all necessary measures to maintain the strictest order during the confiscation of landowners' estates. The order on land included in the decree (Article 4) determined new principles of land ownership and land use; the right of private ownership of land was abolished, it was forbidden to sell land, rent it out or pledge it, all land was turned into public property (i.e. became state property, which meant nationalization of the land). All minerals (ore, oil, coal, salt, etc.), as well as forests and waters, were transferred to the use of the state. Land plots with highly cultivated farms, nurseries, stud farms, etc., as well as all economic equipment of confiscated lands, were transferred to the exclusive use of the state or communities; All citizens received the right to use land provided they cultivated it with their own labor, family or partnership without the use of hired labor, on the basis of egalitarian land use with a free choice of forms of land use, including artel. Farmers who, due to old age or disability, lost the ability to cultivate the land, lost the right to use it, and received pensions from the state. Confiscation of inventory did not apply to land-poor peasants; it was also established that the lands of ordinary peasants and ordinary Cossacks would not be confiscated. Upon alienation, the land entered the land fund, which periodically had to be redistributed depending on demographic changes and an increase in productivity and agricultural culture. The text of the decree states that the question of land in its entirety, as well as questions of redemptions, can only be resolved by the national Constituent Assembly, and the provisions of the decree are, as it were, parting instructions, i.e. as best as it should be. The state took upon itself the responsibility to organize the resettlement and cover the costs associated with it, as well as the costs of supplying equipment. The decree ends with the provision that this document is only temporary. It will be implemented until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. According to the decree, the peasants of Russia received over 150 million dessiatines of land free of charge, were exempted from paying 700 million rubles in gold annually for land rent and from debts for land, which by this time had reached 3 billion rubles. The decree ensured the support of Soviet power from the working peasantry and laid the economic foundation for strengthening the alliance of workers and peasants. Court Decree No. 1. Decree on Court No. 1 was adopted by the Council of People's Commissars on November 22, 1917 (in other sources on November 24, 1917). He abolished all existing judicial institutions: district courts, judicial chambers and the government senate with all departments, all military and naval courts, replacing them with courts formed on the basis of democratic elections. The decree suspended the existing institution of justices of the peace. Local judges were now to be elected on the basis of direct democratic elections, and before such elections were called, by district and volost (district and city) Councils. Moreover, those who previously held the position of justices of the peace were not deprived of the right to be elected to local judges, either temporarily or permanently in democratic elections. The decree determined the competence of local courts. They had to resolve all civil cases with a claim price of no more than 3,000 rubles and criminal cases, the punishment for which could be no more than 2 years in prison. Sentences and decisions of local courts were final and were not subject to appeal. In certain cases, a request for cassation was allowed. The cassation commission in such cases was the district, and in the capitals - the capital congress of local judges. The institutions of judicial investigators, prosecutorial supervision, jury and private advocacy were also abolished, and preliminary investigations in criminal cases were entrusted to local judges individually until the entire judicial order was transformed. Local courts decide cases in the name of the Russian Republic and are guided in their decisions and sentences by the laws of overthrown governments only insofar as they have not been abolished by the revolution and do not contradict the revolutionary conscience and revolutionary sense of justice. All laws that contradicted the decrees of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of workers, soldiers, and the cross were recognized as repealed. deputies and the Workers' and Peasants' Government, as well as the minimum programs of the RSDLP (minimum program: establishment of a bourgeois republic, abolition of all redemption payments, 8 hours a day, self-determination of all nations) and the SR party (implementation of the revolution by the working people in order to establish socialism, socialization of all lands, namely, the transfer of land without redemption for community use, and the communities had to divide the land according to the egalitarian labor principle. Prohibition of the purchase and sale of land). To fight against counter-revolutionary forces in the form of taking measures to protect the revolution and its gains from them, to resolve cases of combating looting and predation, sabotage and other abuses, workers' and peasants' Revolutionary Tribunals are established, consisting of one chairman and six regular assessors elected by provincial or city Advice. To conduct preliminary investigations in the same cases, special investigative commissions are formed under the same Councils.
Introduction
The formation of Soviet power
The process of creating a new state covered the period from October 1917, the time of the beginning of the October Revolution, to the summer of 1818, when Soviet statehood was enshrined in the Constitution. The central thesis of the new government was the idea of exporting the world revolution and creating a socialist state. As part of this idea, the slogan “Workers of all countries, unite!” was put forward. The main task of the Bolsheviks was the issue of power, so the main attention was paid not to socio-economic transformations, but to the strengthening of central and regional authorities.
Supreme bodies of Soviet power
On October 25, 1917, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the Decree on Power, which declared the transfer of all power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The arrest of the Provisional Government and the liquidation of local zemstvo and city councils were the first steps towards the destruction of the administration created by the previous government. On October 27, 1917, it was decided to form a Soviet government - Council of People's Commissars(S/F), which must be in force until the election of the Constituent Assembly. It included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Socialist Revolutionaries. Instead of ministries, more than 20 were created People's Commissariats (People's Commissariats). The highest legislative body became Congress of Soviets, led by Lenin. During the breaks between its sessions, legislative functions were carried out by All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), headed by L. Kamenev and M. Sverdlov. To combat counter-revolution and sabotage, it was formed All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), headed by F. Dzerzhinsky. From the same The goal was to create revolutionary courts. These bodies played a major role in the establishment of Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
1.3 Constituent Assembly
In November-December 1917, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, during which the Social Revolutionaries received 40% of the votes, the Bolsheviks - 24%, and the Mensheviks - 2%. Thus, the Bolsheviks did not receive a majority and, realizing the threat to one-man rule, were forced to disperse the Constituent Assembly. On November 28, a blow was dealt to the Cadet Party - members of the Constituent Assembly who were members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, P. Dolgorukov, F. Kokoshkin, V. Stepanov, A. Shingarev and others were arrested. At the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which opened on January 5, 1918 .in the Tauride Palace, the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries who supported them found themselves in the minority. The majority of delegates refused to recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the government and demanded the transfer of full power to the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, on the night of January 6-7, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved a decree on dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. Demonstrations in his support were dispersed. Thus, the last democratically elected body collapsed. The repressions that began with the Cadet Party showed that the Bolsheviks were striving for dictatorship and one-man rule. Civil war became inevitable.
The Decree on Peace is the first decree of the Soviet government. Designed byV. I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and unanimously adopted on October 26 (November 8, 1917) by the Second Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies after the Provisional Government of Russia was overthrown as a result of an armed coup.
Main provisions of the decree:
The Soviet workers' and peasants' government proposes "to all warring peoples and their governments to immediately begin negotiations on a just democratic peace" - namely, on "immediate peace of annexation indemnities", that is, without the seizure of foreign territories and without violent collection of material or monetary compensation from the vanquished. Continuing the war is seen as "the greatest crime against humanity."
secret diplomacy, “expressing the firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly before all the people, proceeding immediately to the full publication of secret agreements confirmed or concluded by the government of landowners and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917,” and “declares unconditionally and immediately canceled” all contents these secret agreements.
The Soviet government proposes that “all governments and peoples of all warring countries immediately conclude a truce” in order to negotiate peace and finalize the terms of peace.
1.5 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
On October 25, 1917, power in Petrograd passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, who spoke under the slogan: “Peace without annexations and indemnities!” They proposed to conclude such a peace to all the warring powers in the very first decree of the new government - the Decree on Peace. Since mid-November, at the proposal of the Soviet government, a truce was established on the Russian-German front. It was officially signed on December 2.
Bolshevik Konstantin Eremeev wrote: “The truce at the front made the soldiers’ craving home, to the village, unstoppable. If after the February Revolution leaving the front was a common occurrence, now 12 million soldiers, the flower of the peasantry, felt superfluous in the army units and extremely needed there, at home, where they “divide the land.”
The leakage occurred spontaneously, taking a wide variety of forms: many simply absented themselves without permission, leaving their units, most of them taking rifles and cartridges. No less a number used any legal means - on vacation, on various business trips... The timing did not matter, since everyone understood that it was only important to get out of military captivity, and there they were unlikely to demand it back." The Russian trenches were rapidly emptying. In some sectors of the front, by January 1918, not a single soldier remained in the trenches, only here and there were isolated military posts.
Going home, the soldiers took their weapons, and sometimes even sold them to the enemy. On December 9, 1917, peace negotiations began in Brest-Litovsk, where the headquarters of the German command was located. The Soviet delegation tried to defend the idea of “peace without annexations and indemnities.” On January 28, 1918, Germany presented an ultimatum to Russia. She demanded to sign an agreement under which Russia would lose Poland, Belarus and part of the Baltic states - a total of 150 thousand square kilometers. This confronted the Soviet delegation with a severe dilemma between the proclaimed principles and the demands of life. In accordance with the principles, it was necessary to wage war, and not to conclude a shameful peace with Germany. But there was no strength to fight. The head of the Soviet delegation, Leon Trotsky, like other Bolsheviks, painfully tried to resolve this contradiction. Finally it seemed to him that he had found a brilliant way out of the situation. On January 28, he delivered his famous peace speech at the negotiations. Briefly, it boiled down to the well-known formula: “Do not sign peace, do not wage war, disband the army.” Leon Trotsky stated: “We are withdrawing our army and our people from the war. Our soldier-plowman must return to his arable land in order to peacefully cultivate the land which the revolution transferred from the hands of the landowners to the hands of the peasants. We are withdrawing from the war. We refuse to sanction the conditions that German and Austro-Hungarian imperialism are writing with a sword on the body of living peoples. We cannot put the signature of the Russian revolution under the conditions that are carried by bring oppression, grief and misfortune to millions of human beings. The governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary want to own lands and peoples by right of military conquest. Let them do their work openly. We cannot sanctify violence. We are leaving the war, but we are forced to refuse to sign peace treaty." After this, he read out the official statement of the Soviet delegation: "By refusing to sign the annexationist treaty, Russia, for its part, declares the state of war ended. Russian troops are simultaneously given orders for complete demobilization along the entire front."
German and Austrian diplomats were initially truly shocked by this incredible statement. There was complete silence in the room for several minutes. Then the German General M. Hoffmann exclaimed: “Unheard of!” The head of the German delegation, R. Kühlmann, immediately concluded: “Consequently, the state of war continues.” “Empty threats!” said L. Trotsky, leaving the meeting room.
However, contrary to the expectations of the Soviet leadership, on February 18, Austro-Hungarian troops launched an offensive along the entire front. Almost no one opposed them: the advance of the armies was only hampered by bad roads. On the evening of February 23, they occupied Pskov, and on March 3, Narva. The Red Guard detachment of sailor Pavel Dybenko left this city without a fight. General Mikhail Bonch-Bruevich wrote about him: “Dybenko’s detachment did not inspire confidence in me; it was enough to look at this sailor’s freemen with mother-of-pearl buttons sewn onto their wide bell-bottoms, with rollicking manners, to understand that they would not be able to fight with regular German units. My fears were justified... “On February 25, Vladimir Lenin wrote bitterly in the newspaper Pravda: “Painfully shameful reports about the refusal of the regiments to maintain positions, about the refusal to defend even the Narva line, about the failure to comply with the order to destroy everything and everyone during the retreat; Let’s not even talk about flight, chaos, lack of hands, helplessness, sloppiness.”
On February 19, the Soviet leadership agreed to accept German peace terms. But now Germany has put forward much more difficult conditions, demanding five times the territory. About 50 million people lived on these lands; Over 70% of iron ore and about 90% of coal in the country were mined here. In addition, Russia had to pay a huge indemnity.
Soviet Russia was forced to accept these very difficult conditions. The head of the new Soviet delegation, Grigory Sokolnikov, read out its statement: “Under the current conditions, Russia has no choice. By the fact of the demobilization of its troops, the Russian revolution, as it were, transferred its fate into the hands of the German people. We do not doubt for a minute that this is the triumph of imperialism and militarism over The international proletarian revolution will turn out to be only temporary and temporary." After these words, General Hoffmann exclaimed indignantly: “Again the same nonsense!” “We are ready,” G. Sokolnikov concluded, “to immediately sign a peace treaty, refusing any discussion of it as completely useless under the current conditions.”
On March 3, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed. Russia lost Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, part of Belarus... In addition, under the agreement, Russia transferred more than 90 tons of gold to Germany. The Brest-Litovsk Treaty did not last long; in November, after the revolution in Germany, Soviet Russia annulled it.
1.6 Policy towards the peasantry
The development of events largely depended on the Bolsheviks’ choice of the relationship between strategic and tactical tasks. The strategic meaning of the actions of the Bolsheviks was recorded by Lenin in the words about the October revolution: “We began our work solely with the expectation of a world revolution.” At the same time, the slogans of the coup itself were not of a purely socialist nature. The Bolsheviks (despite the fact that in February 1917 their party had less than 24 thousand members) managed to take power relatively easily. The liberalism of the Provisional Government was perceived by the masses as something inadequate to the realities of the moment. With the peace decree, the Bolsheviks secured armed support from the capital's garrisons. Trotsky openly admitted that the reluctance of the rear units to move from barracks to trench positions was taken advantage of. The slogans “All power to the Soviets” and “Land to the peasants” were also tactical in nature and corresponded to the sentiments of the peasantry, who made up the overwhelming majority of the population. “The Decree on Land” was based on the orders of peasant voters, borrowed from the Socialist Revolutionary program and provided for communal ownership of land with its redistribution according to the labor standard (the Bolshevik program was aimed at the nationalization of land and large-scale agricultural production with the displacement of commodity relations from it). The slogan “All power to the Soviets” in the minds of rural residents meant the complete predominance of the communal world, village gatherings and meetings in resolving all local issues. Finally, important role During the October coup, the demand for the immediate convening of the Constituent Assembly played a role.
With the help of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries who entered the Council of People's Commissars, the Bolsheviks tried to put the slogans of the October Revolution into practice. In an effort to attract peasants, they did not limit themselves to declarations, transferring to them landowners, monasteries and cabinet lands, supporting land redistribution on equalizing principles.
The tactics that were correctly “found” at the time of the coup could also contribute to the retention of power. The favor of the peasantry provided the Bolsheviks with a relative advantage in the inter-party struggle, and for the time being prevented the social conflict from developing into a massacre. However, the October tactics of the Bolsheviks inevitably came into conflict with their own strategy - the course towards a world proletarian revolution. Guided by theoretical schemes, the Bolsheviks declared the inevitability of a revolutionary explosion, if not on a global scale, then on a European scale. In his works “Imperialism, as the highest stage of capitalism” (1916) and “State and Revolution” (1917), Lenin spoke about socialism as a system that naturally follows from imperialism on the basis of the process of monopolization: “Socialism is a general state monopoly, but aimed at good for everyone."
The second part of Lenin’s formula implied the special role of the proletarian revolution, which is designed to deprive private individuals of the right to own a monopoly. At the same time, it was considered quite obvious that a complete monopoly was outside the national-state framework, taking on a planetary scale. From such theoretical constructions flowed the conviction of an impending “revolutionary fire” in Europe, for which the October events in Russia served only as a kind of “fuse.”
The Bolshevik strategy was reflected by the thesis about the dictatorship of the proletariat as a stage of transition to a communist system (that is, one in which there will be no state structures, commodity-money mechanisms, and differences between people will be reduced to a minimum). The dictatorship of the proletariat was identified with socialism. as a short-term stage of suppression of all anti-proletarian elements and destruction of private property. October tactics, therefore, had nothing in common with the thesis of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The consistent implementation of the tactical slogans “All power to the Soviets” and “Land to the peasants” in practice led to the removal of barriers to the “petty-bourgeois element”, to the triumph of the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program, to the isolation of individual rural worlds, since with the omnipotence of local councils in a peasant country there is no There was no question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The implementation of the October tactics quickly fizzled out.
In essence, the Bolsheviks did not raise the question of the priority of tactics at the expense of strategy. They connected the task of maintaining power not so much with the peasantry, but with the revolution they expected a hundredfold in the West. Back in September 1917, in the article “Russian Revolution and Civil War“Lenin argued: “Having won power, the Russian proletariat has every chance to retain it and bring Russia to a victorious revolution in the West.”
The task of maintaining power was solved by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The creation of its apparatus included the dispersal of old institutions or their organizational and personnel renewal, but the main thing was the emergence of bodies that performed the function of suppression. Since October 1917, revolutionary tribunals functioned - volost, district, provincial. 7 (20) December 191? The Cheka was created.
In January 1918, the Bolsheviks openly rejected the October tactics. Not receiving the desired majority in the Constituent Assembly, they dispersed it and refused the promise to transfer power to it. The emotional and psychological “backbone” of Bolshevism was the indisputable conviction in the correctness of the theory adopted, that its implementation guarantees “universal happiness.” This conviction forced us to reject compromises with those who were historically doomed. Lenin, in his work “The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution,” wrote: “To deny civil wars or forget about them would mean falling into extreme opportunism and renouncing the socialist revolution.”
The policy of suppressing entire classes could not but give rise to resistance. In a large part of society, in addition. elements of Russophobia and Bolshevik ideology caused rejection. People with a developed patriotic consciousness opposed the outright denial of Russian statehood. Anti-Bolshevik sentiment exploded in society after the “obscene” Brest Peace. However, the tension grew into a phase of active hostilities throughout the country, when the fundamental interests of the bulk of the population - the peasantry - were affected.
The inertia of the October tactics of the Bolsheviks in relation to the peasantry was felt approximately until May 1918, when surplus appropriation was introduced. Its implementation was accompanied by an ideological attack on the peasantry, criticism of its inertia, unwillingness to understand Marxist schemes and “fit in” with revolutionary progress. Lenin declared the peasantry as the bearer of the “petty-bourgeois element” to be the “main danger” for the socialist revolution. Trotsky “practically” assigned the role of “fertilizer for the world revolution” to the Russian peasantry. The decree of June 11, 1918 introduced committees of the poor (kombeds), created as a counterweight to village councils. Lenin connected the beginning of the class struggle in the countryside with this decree (the cry “Death to the fist” was thrown), emphasizing that from October 1917 until the publication
of the decree on the Communist Party, the Bolsheviks “went with the entire peasantry. In this sense... the revolution then was bourgeois.” The committees of the poor took part in the confiscation of grain reserves and the confiscation of land plots from wealthy peasants. Peasant state farms and communes were forcefully created, the high degree of socialization in which deprived villagers of even personal property. The pressure on the Cossacks of the Don, Kuban, Terek, and Orenburg regions increased. Peasant and Cossack uprisings began to flare up.
II Congress of Soviets. The first decrees of Soviet power. On the evening of October 25, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened. Of the 739 delegates, 338 were Bolsheviks, 127 mandates belonged to the left wing of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which supported the Bolshevik idea of an armed uprising. The Mensheviks and Right Socialist Revolutionaries sharply condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks and demanded that the congress begin negotiations with the Provisional Government on the formation of a new Cabinet of Ministers, based on all layers of society. Without receiving the approval of the congress, the Menshevik and Right Socialist Revolutionary factions left the meeting. Thus, they deprived themselves of the opportunity to take part in the formation of new government bodies, and therefore of the opportunity to correct the actions of the Bolsheviks “from within.” The Left Socialist Revolutionaries initially also did not accept the Bolsheviks' offer to join the government. They were afraid of a final break with their party, hoping that in the future a coalition government would be formed from representatives of all socialist parties.
Considering the sad experience of the Provisional Government, which had lost credibility due to its reluctance to solve the main problems of the revolution, Lenin immediately proposed that the Second Congress of Soviets adopt decrees on peace, land and power.
The Peace Decree proclaimed Russia's exit from the war. The Congress addressed all warring governments and peoples with a proposal for universal peace without annexations and indemnities.
The Decree on Land was based on 242 local peasant orders to the First Congress of Soviets, which set out the peasants’ ideas about agrarian reform. The peasants demanded the abolition of private ownership of land and the establishment of equal land use with periodic redistribution of land. These demands were never put forward by the Bolsheviks; they were an integral part of the Socialist Revolutionary program. But Lenin understood perfectly well that without the support of the peasantry it was unlikely that he would be able to maintain power in the country, so he intercepted their agrarian program from the Socialist Revolutionaries. And the peasants followed the Bolsheviks.
The decree on power proclaimed the widespread transfer of power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The congress elected a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). It included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Socialist Revolutionaries. A certain number of seats were also left for other socialist parties. Executive power was transferred to a provisional government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) - headed by V.I. Lenin. When discussing and adopting each decree, it was emphasized that they were temporary in nature - until the convening of the Constituent Assembly, which would have to legislate the principles of government.
On November 2, 1917, the Soviet government adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia. It formulated the most important provisions that determined the national policy of the Soviet government: equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination, up to secession and the formation of an independent state, the abolition of all and any national and national-religious privileges and restrictions, the free development of national minorities
On November 20, 1917, the Soviet government issued an appeal “To all working Muslims of Russia and the East,” in which it declared the beliefs and customs, national and cultural institutions of working Muslims free and inviolable.
On December 18th they were equalized civil rights men and women. On January 23, 1918, a decree was issued on the separation of church from state and school from church. October 29, 1918 i. The All-Russian Congress of Unions of Workers' and Peasants' Youth announced the creation of the Russian Communist Youth Union (RCYU).
In December 1917, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) was created under the Council of People's Commissars to “fight counter-revolution, sabotage and profiteering” - the first punitive body of Soviet power. It was headed by F. E. Dzerzhinsky. The decrees of the new government were met with satisfaction by many segments of the population. They were also supported by the All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, held in November and early December 1917. The congresses decided to merge the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies with the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Peasant support for the Bolshevik Decree on Land brought the right Socialist Revolutionaries to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and the left to the government. In November - December 1917, seven representatives of the left Socialist Revolutionaries entered the Council of People's Commissars.
The fate of the Constituent Assembly. Having stood in opposition to the Bolshevik government, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries for the time being did not attempt its armed overthrow, since initially this path was unpromising due to the obvious popularity of Bolshevik slogans among the masses. The bet was placed on an attempt to seize power by legal means - with the help of the Constituent Assembly.
The demand for the convening of the Constituent Assembly appeared during the first Russian revolution. It was included in the programs of almost all political parties. The Bolsheviks waged their campaign against the Provisional Government, among other things, under the slogan of defending the Constituent Assembly, accusing the government of delaying elections to it.
Having come to power, the Bolsheviks changed their attitude towards the Constituent Assembly, declaring that the Soviets were a more acceptable form of democracy. But since the idea of a Constituent Assembly was very popular among the people, and besides, all the parties had already put up their lists for elections, the Bolsheviks did not risk canceling them.
The election results deeply disappointed the Bolshevik leaders. 23.9% of voters voted for them, 40% voted for the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and right-wing Socialist-Revolutionaries predominated in the lists. The Mensheviks received 2.3% and the Cadets 4.7% of the votes. The leaders of all major Russian and national parties, as well as the entire liberal and democratic elite, were elected members of the Constituent Assembly.
On January 3, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People, written by V. I. Lenin. The Declaration recorded all the changes that had occurred since October 25, which were regarded as the basis for the subsequent socialist reconstruction of society. It was decided to present this document as the main document for adoption by the Constituent Assembly.
On January 5, the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, a demonstration in its defense, organized by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, took place in Petrograd. By order of the authorities, she was shot.
The Constituent Assembly opened and took place in a tense atmosphere of confrontation. The meeting room was filled with armed sailors, supporters of the Bolsheviks. Their behavior went beyond the norms of parliamentary ethics. Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. M. Sverdlov read out the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People and proposed to accept it, thereby legitimizing the existence of Soviet power and its first decrees. But the Constituent Assembly refused to approve this document. A discussion began on the draft laws on peace and land proposed by the Social Revolutionaries. On January 6, early in the morning, the Bolsheviks announced their resignation from the Constituent Assembly. Following them, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries left the meeting. The discussion, which continued after the departure of the ruling parties, was interrupted late at night by the chief of security, sailor A. Zheleznyakov, saying that “the guard is tired.” He insistently invited the delegates to leave the room.
On the night of January 6-7, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly. The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly made a stunning impression on the parties of revolutionary democracy. Hope for a peaceful way to remove the Bolsheviks from power was lost. Now many considered it necessary to carry out an armed struggle against the Bolsheviks.
Formation of Soviet statehood. On January 10, 1918, the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened. Three days later, he was joined by delegates from the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasant Deputies. This completed the unification of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies into a single state system. The United Congress adopted the Declaration of the Rights of Working and Exploited People.
In July 1918, the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets met. The main result of his work was the adoption of the Constitution, which legislated the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet power. It was emphasized that the dictatorship of the proletariat aims to suppress the bourgeoisie, eliminate exploitation and build socialism. The Constitution enshrined the federal structure of the country and its name - the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR). The All-Russian Congress of Soviets was recognized as the highest body of power, and in between, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, elected by it. Executive power belonged to the Council of People's Commissars.
The Constitution defined the fundamental rights and responsibilities of citizens. Everyone was obliged to work (“He who does not work, let him not eat”), to protect the gains of the socialist revolution, to defend the socialist Fatherland. Some categories of the population had limited rights. Thus, persons who used hired labor for the purpose of making a profit or lived on unearned income, former employees of the tsarist police, and priests were deprived of voting rights. Electoral advantages were assigned to workers compared to peasants: 5 peasant votes were equal to one worker vote.
The V Congress also approved the State Flag and Coat of Arms of the RSFSR.
Separate peace or revolutionary war? One of the most difficult questions of Russian reality was the question of war. The Bolsheviks promised the people its speedy completion. However, there was no unity in the party itself on this issue, since it was most closely connected with one of the fundamental provisions of the Bolshevik teaching - with the idea of world revolution. The essence of this idea was that the victory of the socialist revolution in backward Russia can be ensured only if similar revolutions take place in developed capitalist countries and the European proletariat assists the Russian proletariat in eliminating backwardness and building a socialist society. Another idea flowed from the doctrine of world revolution - the idea of a revolutionary war, with the help of which the victorious Russian proletariat would support the proletariat of other countries in fomenting war with its own bourgeoisie. At the same time, the main focus was on the German proletariat. Therefore, it was initially planned that the Bolsheviks would offer all powers to conclude a democratic peace, and in case of refusal, they would start a revolutionary war with world capital.
On November 7, 1917, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs L. D. Trotsky addressed the governments of all the warring powers with a proposal to conclude a general democratic peace. A few days later, the Soviet government again repeated its proposal, but consent to begin negotiations was received only from Germany.
According to the logic of Bolshevik principles, it was time to start a revolutionary war. However, having become the head of state, V.I. Lenin sharply changed his attitude to this issue. He urgently demanded the immediate conclusion of a separate peace with Germany, since in the context of the collapse of the army and the economic crisis, the German offensive threatened an imminent disaster for the country, and therefore for the Soviet government. At least a short respite was needed for economic stabilization and the creation of an army.
The proposal of Lenin and his few supporters was opposed by a group of prominent Bolsheviks, later called “left communists.” Its leader was N.I. Bukharin. This group categorically insisted on the continuation of the revolutionary war, which was supposed to ignite the fire of the world revolution. Unlike Lenin, Bukharin saw the threat to Soviet power not in the offensive of the German army, but in the fact that hatred of the Bolsheviks would inevitably unite the warring Western powers for a joint campaign against Soviet power. And only an international revolutionary front will be able to resist the united imperialist front. The conclusion of peace with Germany will undoubtedly weaken the chances of a revolutionary action in it, and therefore the chances of a world revolution. Bukharin's position was supported by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.
Compromising, but not without logic, was the position of L. D. Trotsky, expressed by the formula: “We will not stop the war, we will demobilize the army, but we will not sign peace.” This approach was based on the belief that Germany was not capable of conducting large-scale offensive operations and the Bolsheviks have no need to discredit themselves by negotiations. Trotsky did not rule out the possibility of signing peace, but only if the German offensive began. At the same time, it will become clear to the international labor movement that peace is a forced measure, and not the result of a Soviet-German conspiracy.
Most party organizations were against signing the peace. However, V.I. Lenin defended his position with incredible tenacity.
L. D. Trotsky, who headed the Russian delegation, did his best to delay negotiations with the Germans, believing that they had put forward territorial claims unacceptable to Russia. On the evening of January 28 (February 10), 1918, he announced the rupture of negotiations.
On February 18 (according to the new style introduced in Russia on February 14, 1918), the Germans launched an offensive and, without encountering serious resistance, began to quickly advance into the interior of the country.
On February 23, the Soviet government received a German ultimatum. The terms of peace proposed in it were much more difficult than before. With incredible difficulty, only with the help of the threat of his resignation, V.I. Lenin managed to persuade a small majority of the party Central Committee, and then the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, to adopt a resolution to sign the treaty on German terms.
On March 3, 1918, a separate peace treaty was signed in Brest-Litovsk between Russia and Germany.
Under the terms of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, Poland, Lithuania, part of Latvia, Belarus and Transcaucasia were torn away from Russia. The Soviet government had to withdraw its troops from Latvia and Estonia, as well as from Finland, which gained independence according to the SPK decree of December 18 (31), 1917. The army had to leave Ukraine, where, at the invitation of its government, Austro-German troops were introduced.
Economic policy of the new government. Economic relations between city and countryside in the first half of Soviet power were built according to the scheme inherited by the Bolsheviks from the Provisional Government. While maintaining a grain monopoly and fixed prices, the Soviet government received grain through commodity exchange. The People's Commissar for Food had at his disposal industrial production items and, under certain conditions, sent them to the villages, stimulating the delivery of grain.
However, in conditions of widespread instability and the lack of necessary industrial goods, peasants were in no hurry to give grain to the government. In addition, in the spring of 1918, the grain-producing regions of Ukraine, Kuban, the Volga region, and Siberia were cut off from the center. The threat of famine loomed over Soviet territory. In the end of April 1918 G. daily norm the bread ration in Petrograd was reduced to 50 g. In Moscow, workers received an average of 100 g per day. Hunger riots began in the country.
On May 13, 1918, the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars was published “On granting the People's Commissariat of Food emergency powers to combat the rural bourgeoisie hiding grain reserves and speculating on them.” Consumption standards were established for peasants - 12 poods of grain per person, 1 pood of cereals, etc. Everything else was called “surplus” and was subject to confiscation. To carry out this task, armed work detachments were created throughout the country - food detachments, endowed with emergency powers.
But the Bolsheviks feared that " crusade", announced by the city to the village, can cause a response - the unification of the entire peasantry for an organized grain blockade. Therefore, the emphasis was placed on splitting the village, pitting the village poor against all other peasants.
On June 11, 1918, despite the fierce objections of the left Socialist Revolutionaries, a decree was issued on the formation of committees of the rural poor. The committees were entrusted with the function of assisting local food authorities in identifying and confiscating grain surpluses from the “kulaks and the rich.” For their services, the “committee members” received compensation in the form of a certain share of the grain they seized. The responsibilities of the poor committees also included the distribution of bread, basic necessities and agricultural implements among the peasants.
This decree played the role of a bomb exploding in the village. He destroyed the centuries-old foundations, traditions and moral guidelines of the peasantry, sowed enmity and hatred between fellow villagers.
Having come to power, the Bolsheviks had the opportunity to implement the ideas put forward earlier. It was about introducing workers' control over the production and distribution of products. It was also necessary to nationalize all the country's banks and create a single national bank.
On November 14, 1917, a decree and regulations on workers' control were adopted. The nationalization of private banks in Petrograd began, and banking was declared a state monopoly. A unified people's bank of the Russian Republic was created.
On November 17, 1917, by decree of the Council of People's Commissars, the factory of the Likinskaya Manufactory Partnership (near Orekhovo-Zuev) was nationalized. In December 1917, several enterprises in the Urals and the Putilov plant in Petrograd were nationalized.
Initially, nationalization was only a response to hostile steps on the part of entrepreneurs. Moreover, it was carried out exclusively in relation to individual enterprises, and not to the industry, much less to the industry as a whole, i.e. it was dictated not by economic expediency, but by political motives.
The first results of the new government's economic policy were disastrous. The idea of workers' control has discredited itself, plunging industry into unimaginable chaos and anarchy. This was also reflected in agriculture: there are no necessary industrial goods - peasants hide grain. Hence the famine in the cities, a threat to the existence of the new government.
At the beginning of April 1918, Lenin announced his decision to change his domestic political course. His plan included an end to nationalization and expropriation and the preservation of private capital. According to V.I. Lenin, in order to stabilize Soviet power, it was necessary to begin technical cooperation with the big bourgeoisie, restore the authority of the administration in enterprises, and introduce strict labor discipline based on material incentives. Lenin proposed to widely involve bourgeois specialists in cooperation and was ready to abandon the Marxist principle of equal pay for workers and officials. The mixed economic order he conceived was called state capitalism.
However, this new course did not receive practical development. The introduction of emergency measures in the agricultural sector required corresponding decisions in other sectors of the economy. The Congress of National Economic Councils, which met in Moscow in May 1918, rejected both state capitalism and workers' control, declaring a course towards the nationalization of the most important industries. This course was consolidated by the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of June 28, 1918. The functions of managing nationalized enterprises were transferred to the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh), which was created in December 1917 to coordinate and unite the activities of all economic bodies and institutions, both central and local.
Thus, the Bolshevik policy in the first post-revolutionary period was characterized by the desire to establish a one-party dictatorship. In the economic sphere, it went from “socialization of the land” and “workers’ control” to food dictatorship, committees of poor people, widespread nationalization and strict centralization.
DOCUMENT
FROM THE PEASANT ORDER ABOUT THE LAND (ORDER 242)
The question of land, in its entirety, can only be resolved by a national Constituent Assembly. The fairest solution to the land issue should be this:
1) The right of private ownership of land is abolished forever; land cannot be sold, purchased, leased or pledged, or alienated in any other way. All land... is alienated free of charge, turns into national property and goes into the use of all those working on it...
6) The right to use land is granted to all citizens (without distinction of gender) of the Russian state who wish to cultivate it with their own labor... Wage labor is not allowed...
7) Land use must be egalitarian, that is, land is distributed among workers, depending on local conditions, labor or consumption standards...
8) All land, upon its alienation, goes to the national land fund. Its distribution among workers is managed by local and central self-government bodies...
The land fund is subject to periodic redistribution, depending on population growth and an increase in agricultural productivity and culture.