Personal war of the Chechen riot police.
Boris Anatolyevich Dzherelievsky
Chechens are a people who do not know halftones. If he’s a scoundrel, then he’s a complete loser; if he’s a hero, then he’s an epic, epic hero. The time of the current Caucasian turmoil will pass, and much will be forgotten. But the memory of the heroes of this war - the fighters of the Chechen riot police - is unlikely to be erased. They will be remembered not only in Chechnya, because their brothers in arms are scattered throughout Russia. What is this squad that has become a living legend? He showed not only loyalty to death, fearlessness and sacrifice, but also deep wisdom, which allowed the fighters to understand who is bringing death to the Chechen people, and who is bringing real freedom and the opportunity to live like a human being. Understand and make your own, the only right choice.
IN AUGUST AND AFTER AUGUST...
The current OMON of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Chechen Republic traces its pedigree to the OMON of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, formed in the late eighties and actually ceased to exist after Dudayev came to power. Most of his employees, not wanting to participate in the crimes of the “new government,” then left the authorities. Thus, the current commander of the detachment, Musa Gazimagomadov, worked as a carpenter throughout the years of Dudayev’s rule. The Chechen riot police were revived after Russian troops entered the rebellious republic. On August 6, 1996, fighters of the newly formed detachment entered into battle with the rebels in the center of the Chechen capital. Then they fought out of the encirclement in the Staropromyslovsky district. A week later, Chechen riot police under the command of Lieutenant General Vyacheslav Ovchinnikov and Colonel General Valery Fedorov, with the support of artillery from the 205th brigade, took control of a complex of government buildings...
In those bloody days, a genuine, indissoluble military camaraderie was formed. FSB officers, members of the St. Petersburg SOBR and other units fought shoulder to shoulder with the riot police. Looking ahead, I will say that these fraternal bonds, forged in the flames of the Grozny battles and carried through the “interwar” years, will become the key to the success of many operations of the second Chechen campaign...
The outcome of the August battles, which, in spite of everything, became a truly heroic page in the annals of the Russian army, was a real tragedy not only for the group, but for the entire country. But the situation in which the employees of the Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs found themselves after the signing of the treacherous Khasavyurt agreements was terrible.
And, alas, not everyone managed to survive (although who has the right to blame them today?)
But the greater the merit of the Chechen riot police, who managed to overcome all the trials with honor. And there were a lot of them. They were threatened, they were accused of “betraying their people”, there was a real hunt for their loved ones, they were trying to be bought. The militants were sleeping and saw the riot police crossing over to their side. A whole propaganda campaign was thought out, roles were assigned and tasks were assigned to Russian and foreign journalists who were supposed to cover this “epoch-making event” (later the riot police got into the hands of the militants’ financial documents, indicating the names of these correspondents).
Let me remind you that in the fall of 1996, the rebels sought out and destroyed everyone who could be suspected of collaborating with the Russian authorities. An epidemic of denunciations began: a neighbor “snitched” on a neighbor, hoping to take possession of his housing and property. Thousands of people disappeared without a trace in the basements of “Sharia security”. But those who actually fought against the bandits with weapons in their hands faced truly monstrous reprisals.
Until November 27, the detachment was at Severny, then the fighters were transferred by helicopter to the Nadterechny region, to the border of North Ossetia. At this time, the detachment received another “murky” proposal. The intermediary of a certain “travel company” offered the entire unit “a good job for good money” in one of the Western countries. But people who were faithful to their oath and fought for their land were not attracted to the career of mercenaries, although the prospects for the near future were very vague.
It soon became clear that this was probably an attempt to lure the fighters to Azerbaijan, where reprisals awaited them.
Time passed, but the situation did not become clearer. It became obvious: they, like hundreds of thousands of other residents of Chechnya, were sacrificed to “higher political interests.” In this situation, the detachment commander, Musa Gazimagomadov, made a difficult but only possible decision: everyone who wanted to take their personal weapons, hide and survive.
He himself and twenty-five other fighters, who decided not to separate under all circumstances, moved to Nalchik. They were poor, barely making ends meet. They huddled together with their families in a local empty sanatorium, fed on “humanitarian aid” and on the remainder of the allowance that the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs owed them. In June 1997, Musa went to Moscow “for the truth” - to make a request not to disband the remnants of the detachment, but to use them in the territory bordering Chechnya. However, the leaders avoided meeting with him. But the friendship born in the trenches remained: St. Petersburg, Moscow riot police, a number of other detachments, SOBRs, in a word, those who saw the war not from the windows of Moscow offices. They sought to help their comrades in arms, to provide them with at least moral support, which is quite a lot in such a situation. Musa was invited to work in the Moscow SOBR. “I’m not alone. The guys are waiting for me in Nalchik,” he replied.
It should be added that throughout the entire “interwar” period, Musa and other riot police were persistently made many “slippery” proposals. Apparently, it did not even occur to their authors that in such a situation people could be guided by such “abstract” concepts as HONOR and LOYALTY TO DUTY.
The soldiers lived by their labor and waited for them to be in demand again...
AUGUST AGAIN AND NEEDED AGAIN
The August campaign of the Wahhabis against Dagestan in 1999 again raised the Chechen problem in all its severity, even to those who tried their best to “ignore” it. But here, too, attempts were made to resolve it, if not peacefully, then at least with “little bloodshed.” The General Staff was looking for opportunities to make contact with the President of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov. A person was needed for a secret meeting with the “popularly elected one.” Hardly anyone could cope with this task better than Musa Gazimagomadov. And in September, the OMON commander was transported to the territory of Chechnya, despite the fact that he was one of the first on the Ichkerian “extermination lists.” And although the circle of people preparing this meeting was very narrow, information leaked nevertheless occurred. Basayev's and Gelayev's people were hunting for the "Kremlin emissary" throughout the republic. But the meeting still took place. Moscow's demand is Maskhadov's official condemnation of the "Dagestan campaign" of Basayev and Khattab. In addition, it was necessary to probe his readiness to relinquish his presidential powers and disarm the formations under his control. The third participant in the meeting was one of Maskhadov’s closest associates, Apti Bataev. A year later, he would tell Gazimagomadov that after the meeting, Maskhadov was tossing around, not finding a place for himself, but could not decide on anything, apparently hoping that somehow it would work out. At the meeting, the “Ichkerians” promised to think... A few days later, already in Moscow, Musa contacted Maskhadov’s reception. “No decision has been made,” was the answer. “Guys, this was your last chance,” was all Gazimagomadov could say. But the meeting still produced a certain result: soon after the entry of troops, Bataev disarmed his troops. He will tell how, having received news of the movement of Russian troops, Maskhadov rocked in his chair, clasped his head in his hands and wailed: “Aslan, Aslan, what are you doing?”
At this time, Musa was in Mozdok, and his trusted people went to the regions of Chechnya to convene the militia. Tired of tyranny and devastation, people were ready to take up arms and deal with the Wahhabis on their own. Chechen riot police were in the first echelon of troops that stormed Grozny, and their contribution to the liberation of the Chechen capital was very significant.
THIRD BIRTH
Initially, a decision was made: riot police were created in five large settlements of the republic, each numbering 101 people. But it soon became clear that most of the detachments’ personnel did not correspond to their positions, mainly in terms of their moral qualities. The units were disbanded, and the remnants were consolidated into one riot police force. This happened in August 2000. But the personnel selection did not end: from August 1 to December 2000 alone, 186 people were expelled from the detachment. However, the Chechen riot police have that skeleton on which “meat will always grow.” Approximately a third of the personnel are seasoned veterans of the first campaign, having gone through the difficult school of Khasavyurt betrayal and the “off-season” that followed. These are ideological fighters waging their own personal war against the rebels, fully aware of its goals and objectives. It was they who determined and determine the internal climate of the detachment, ensuring its moral health and high morale.
Today the detachment has a staff of 301 people. A significant part of the fighters are young guys under 25 years old. The vast majority of riot police officers are Chechens, other nationalities are represented by Russians and Kumyks. There are also girls in the squad.
Considering today's Chechen realities, when recruiting for service in the riot police, one has to “lower the bar” in matters of physical training and education. “We believe that today the main thing for a candidate for a detachment is his moral character, his moral state,” says deputy detachment commander Bavaudi. - In addition to the official special inspection, we carry out some operational developments for each. It’s impossible without this now. Then a fairly detailed conversation takes place with the volunteer, during which he will have to talk in detail about the motives that brought him to the detachment." Hardly anyone joins the detachment for the sake of a stable salary and a certificate. All these advantages are offset by the fact that anyone who joins the riot police is "automatically" turns out to be among those “sentenced” by bandits.
SUIT BOYS
These are not those cheap “show-offs” in bandages, hung with empty RPG tubes (for extra respectability), taking heroic poses in front of television cameras. And not those youths, stupefied by heroin and Wahhabi “truths,” who are unable to even imagine what will happen to them in a minute... Chechen riot policemen are called suicide bombers by both friends and enemies, because they once decided for themselves that death is better than dishonor and the death of the Motherland, these people challenge it every day. By the time I met the detachment, the list of dead soldiers was 23. Moreover, eight of them died from friendly fire. Now the list has simultaneously increased by another 18 people... The relatives of the fighters are in no less danger - today 18 of them are no longer alive. In recent months alone, two of Musa's nephews have been killed.
The riot police, of course, are not in debt. Knowledge of the terrain, mentality, and extensive acquaintances allow them to carry out truly “precision” precise strikes, allowing them to do without “big iron”, and therefore without destruction, without casualties among the civilian population. Riot police are well aware of the militants' tactics, and if necessary, they successfully use them, operating in small, mobile groups. That is, they beat the enemy with his own weapon. In addition, such events, in which a relatively small number of riot police are involved (often even dressed in civilian clothes), turn out to be more effective than grandiose sweeps. For example, five fighters in civilian clothes can arrive at the right place in a shabby Zhiguli car. And block it until the main forces arrive. However, judge for yourself: the result of the operation, carried out in early March under the code name “Angel,” was the detention of 71 criminals, of whom six were leaders of gang groups, thirty militants, and four participants in robbery attacks. In early April, Operation Locust was carried out in the central market of Grozny, during which 12 people were detained, 11 of whom were wanted. Operation Orderly, which followed the Locust, brought an equally rich catch. On April 6, Islam Chilaev, one of the bloodiest bandit leaders, also known under the nickname “Bagram,” was eliminated. And how many more similar “bagrams”, “herats”, tuziks and bobiks have been neutralized by the Chechen riot police! And if the death or arrest of every such scumbag is multiplied by unexploded landmines and shots not fired in the back...
How many human lives saved will we get as a result?
One of the detachment’s significant cases was preventing the assassination attempt on Vladimir Rushailo in 2001, when he was Minister of Internal Affairs. Then, a few hours before his arrival in Chechnya, riot police discovered a camouflaged position with a prepared Strela man-portable anti-aircraft missile system in the vicinity of the airfield. This was preceded by a lot of work, which required, among other things, the introduction of the detachment’s members into the militant environment. Moreover, several people were declassified, which subsequently led to casualties...
Chechen riot police can work not only with weapons. One day, the commandant of the Leninsky district turned to the soldiers for help. After the cleansing in Prigorodnoye, the military column, which included the detainees, was blocked by civilians. Riot police in two groups went to the scene of the incident. By the time they arrived, the situation had become extremely tense. Despite all attempts, the military could not establish contact with the angry crowd and were ready to open fire to kill. Warmed up by several provocateurs, the crowd was ready to attack the cars. But it took only ten minutes for the deputy commander of the Bavaudi detachment to calm the people and remove the column along with the detainees from the encirclement. At the same time, it cannot be said that he put forward any special arguments. It was a matter of who was speaking to the crowd.
PRESENTATION OF CIVIL WAR
But why the premonition? What is happening today in Chechnya can also be called this terrible phrase. Chechen against Chechen, member of the same teip against member of the same teip, brother against brother.
A split has run through Chechen society like a tortuous fissure, which is becoming wider and wider every day. It didn't start today or yesterday. But the fact that the rebels' actions have recently been directed primarily against Chechens speaks volumes. About the fact, for example, that militants are gradually finding themselves in increasingly deep moral isolation, and fewer and fewer people are ready to support them, but they are ready to fight with them.
On April 18, as a result of a terrorist attack organized by the people of Zelimkhan Akhmadov on the order of Khattab (the Jordanian allocated $2 million for actions against the most effective units of the Chechen police), 18 fighters of the detachment were killed. This terrible loss did not and could not shake the determination of the riot police to cleanse their land of infection. Two explosions that sounded in the Ippodromny microdistrict (where the riot police base is located) shook the whole of Chechnya. “The militants shouldn’t have done this,” the old men shake their heads.
“The Wahhabis wanted to scare the riot police, but they made a big mistake, because now a war of bloodlines will begin, which is worse than a war for law and order, because the Chechen people are divided into two parts - those who support the Wahhabis and those who are against them, and this is nothing more than a civil war. This is a fight to the death. And only one side will survive here,” said Deputy Mayor of Grozny Ibragim Yasuev.
Deputy OMON commander Bavaudi, in a conversation with me, compared the Chechen people to an organism consisting of a million organs, each of which is sick. But the fact that the Chechens themselves decided to get rid of the dirt that had accumulated over the past decade suggests that healing is not far off.
Boris Anatolyevich Dzherelievsky
G Azimagomadov Musa Denilbekovich - commander of a special police detachment under the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, police lieutenant colonel.
Born on May 1, 1964 in the village of Malye Varanda, Sovetsky District, Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Chechen. Graduated from high school.
In 1982 he was drafted into the Armed Forces of the USSR. In 1982-1984 he served in a reconnaissance motorized rifle battalion as part of the Northern Group of Forces (Poland).
In May 1985, he entered the service of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs. He served in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in the positions of a patrol police officer and an investigator. At the same time, he graduated from the Chechen-Ingush State Pedagogical Institute in 1993.
When the Soviet Union experienced an almost complete paralysis of power at the end of 1991, local separatist groups in Chechnya were able to take advantage of this. Although, in fact, there were no organized political forces there, there were only people who saw the collapse of the state and decided to get the maximum benefit from this tragedy. Government institutions, property and weapons of military units were seized. The activities of law enforcement agencies were stopped. Aviation Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev, who urgently arrived in Chechnya, managed to create his own system of power and completely removed Chechnya from the laws of the Russian Federation.
However, Dudayev failed to ensure the normal functioning of the Chechen economy, and did not try particularly hard. For the comfortable existence of the supporters of “independence of Ichkeria” who came to power, ordinary robbery and robbery was quite enough. Police officer Musa Gazimagomadov did not put up with this and at the very beginning of 1992 he left the internal affairs bodies. He returned to his native village, worked as a carpenter, and participated in the creation of a local self-defense unit to protect fellow villagers from rampant banditry.
A staunch opponent of the Dudayev regime, Gazimagomadov did not hesitate in his choice when, in November 1994, the Russian authorities began “restoring constitutional order in the Chechen Republic.” At first he took part in hostilities on the side of Russian troops at the head of his self-defense unit. At the beginning of 1995, he was one of the first to serve in the restored Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic. Since March 1995, he served as a criminal investigation officer at the Leninsky District Department of Internal Affairs of the city of Grozny. Then he became a company commander of the Special Purpose Police Detachment (OMON) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic. In March 1996, after the death of the first commander of the Chechen OMON Ali Vadaev, Musa Gazimagomadov was appointed commander of the Chechen OMON. He was distinguished by personal courage during combat operations and their skillful organization. Almost immediately he was sentenced to death by Chechen militants; a large monetary reward was placed on his head, the amount of which was constantly increasing.
In August 1996, during the breakthrough of militants into Grozny, the Chechen riot police, unlike many hastily formed police units, did not go over to the enemy’s side and heroically repelled the attacks of the militants. In an unequal bloody battle, many of the squad's soldiers died. No assistance was provided to the riot police from the command of the federal troops. Nevertheless, the detachment held out until the ceasefire in Grozny. But even then they were not remembered. Some of the fighters suggested stopping resistance and going home. Realizing that after the withdrawal of Russian troops a merciless massacre of all police officers in Chechnya would begin, Musa Gazimagomadov was categorically against this step, but some fighters refused to obey him and tried to get into their native villages with weapons in their hands. Almost no one succeeded. Later it became known about the monstrous torture and reprisals against those of them who fell into the clutches of the enemy.
Musa Gazimagomadov himself and the remaining fighters fought their way to the Russian military base in Khankala. During the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya, Chechen riot police were taken to Nalchik and abandoned there. Gazimagomadov improved the lives of his subordinates and helped them overcome bureaucratic obstacles. He created and headed the Association of War Veterans in Chechnya.
At the height of the invasion of Basayev and Khattab’s gangs into Dagestan in August 1999, Gazimagomadov, at the suggestion of the leadership of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Federation, secretly visited Chechnya and managed to meet with his blood enemy Aslan Maskhadov. He conveyed to him a proposal to condemn the invasion and jointly defeat the Wahhabi formations, subject to the return of the Chechen Republic to the jurisdiction of Russian legislation and Maskhadov retaining the post of President of the Chechen Republic until elections were held. This gave them a chance to avoid a new war. Maskhadov hesitated for a long time, but then refused. The second Chechen war began.
While new authorities and law enforcement were being formed in Chechnya, Musa Gazimagomadov formed a volunteer detachment of Chechen veterans of the first war, at the head of which he took part in the battles for the liberation of Urus-Martan, Grozny, and Shali. In January 2000, he was reappointed to the post of commander of the Chechen riot police. At the same time, since January 2003, he was deputy chief of the public security police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic.
Conducted dozens of combat operations. In the period from 2000 to 2003, only in the operations of the Chechen riot police carried out under the command of M. Gazimagamadov, 78 serious and especially serious crimes were solved (the vast majority of them were terrorist acts and murders), more than 100 militants were destroyed and captured, including captured 26 militants who were on the federal wanted list, 156 firearms, a large number of explosive devices and ammunition were seized. Through personal negotiations, several dozen more militants were persuaded to lay down their arms and return to peaceful life. At the same time, former militants were not accepted into the OMON; there were only people with an untarnished reputation. This determined the high fighting qualities and significant authority of the Chechen riot police in the republic. All these years, Musa Gazimagomadov and his fighters were constantly the object of hunting by the leaders of gangs, on the one hand, and the object of persecution by “human rights” activists and journalists, on the other hand. More than 100 Chechen riot police died in battles and became victims of acts of sabotage.
On March 9, 2003, Musa Gazimagomadov was involved in a car accident - on the night road, a KAMAZ truck that drove into the oncoming lane collided with his car. In critical condition, Gazimagomadov was evacuated to Moscow for treatment at the Burdenko Central Military Hospital. But the doctors’ efforts were in vain - on April 4, 2003, he died. He was buried in his native village.
Z and the courage and heroism shown during the counter-terrorist operation in the North Caucasus, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of October 24, 2003, to police lieutenant colonel Gazimagomadov Musa Denilbekovich awarded the title of Hero of the Russian Federation (posthumously).
Police Lieutenant Colonel. Awarded the Order of Courage (2002), medals, including “For Courage” (2000).
Sent for soap, I quote:
“At the instigation of journalist Oleg Kashin, news spread across LJ and FB that Chechen riot police are grazing in Moscow, who will, if necessary, harshly disperse all those who disagree with Putin and his elections. According to Kashin, the Chechens are billeted somewhere in a hostel in the north-east of the capital True, the search for this place turned out to be in vain. The information, thus, turned out to be an unconfirmed rumor, which the Putinoids immediately muttered about.
It turns out they were looking in the wrong administrative district. Yes, Chechen riot police in Moscow. Only this detachment lives not in the North-East Administrative District, but in the Western Administrative District. Even the exact address is known: residential complex “Golden Keys”. Minskaya street, building 1 B, first entrance, top floor.
A case helped me find it. A friend of mine (for security reasons, as you understand, I won’t say her name) bought an apartment in this building. Until recently, I was happy with my housing. The house was built with high quality, there are no complaints about the builders. Most of the neighbors seem okay too, they are not poor people, they are decent people. But this fall, a bunch of Chechens moved into the penthouse on the top floor (it occupies the entire floor, approximately 400 square meters). And recently, shortly after the rally on Bolotnaya, there were even more of them.
Caucasians do not hesitate to walk along the landing in camouflage, make noise, sometimes you can hear music and stomping - they are dancing, apparently. From time to time, my friend at home hears the distinct smell of barbecue and barbecue - probably the bearded “neighbors” are cooking. In general, life in the Golden Keys has ceased to be golden. The local police were called a couple of times, but they didn’t do anything - they were just afraid, out of harm’s way. So you have to endure and be afraid. Be afraid and endure. Having bought luxury housing with your own money.
To the question “How long will the Chechens come, and when will the “martial law” in the house end?”, the Chechens honestly answer that they will not leave “until the owner of the apartment pays us back our debts.”
The whole house knows that this apartment belongs to the developer and bankrupt billionaire Sergei Polonsky. In fact, his company Mirax built this house. Now, judging by the video from his LiveJournal, Polonsky lives somewhere on a landing stage in the Moscow region. He owes creditors about a billion bucks. His debts are his problems, I don’t really care, but why do you need to set up a barracks for the Chechen riot police from your apartment?
This is only one apartment. How many of these “hotels for collectors” are there in Moscow?
In general, something needs to be done. Guys, let’s somehow report this information to our journalist friends and write to the Internet reception desk of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. What else to do? What other options are there to help my friend? Or should I sell this apartment?
P.S. If you don't believe it, go there and see for yourself."
What do you think?
Saved
Sent to the soap, I quote: “At the instigation of journalist Oleg Kashin, LJ and FB spread the news that Chechen riot police are grazing in Moscow, who will, if necessary, harshly disperse all those who disagree with Putin and his elections. According to Kashin, the Chechens...
"/> Today at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia there was a traditional meeting of the leadership with the relatives of employees of the internal affairs bodies and military personnel of the internal troops who died in the performance of their duties, including in hot spots. Acting head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Rashid Nurgaliev addressed the relatives of the victims and read out the decrees President Putin on rewarding fallen heroes. The widows of the policemen were given government awards. In particular, the gold star of the Hero of Russia was awarded to his wife and his two eldest sons, who, following in their father’s footsteps, entered educational institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.As “Y” already reported, police lieutenant colonel Musa Gazimagomadov was nominated for the title of Hero of the Russian Federation this spring.
Even during the first campaign, Gazimagomadov, commanding the riot police, was awarded the medal "For Courage". Thanks to him, after the Khasavyurt agreements, it was possible to preserve the core of the detachment and save people from the massacre of the triumphant militants. In January 2000, the commander again led his soldiers to storm the positions of militants located in Urus-Martan and Grozny, Argun and Shali. For courage, heroism and selfless actions shown during combat operations involving the risk of life, Gazimagomadov was awarded the Order of Courage. In 2002, the legendary commander developed and carried out the “Storm” special operation in the village of Starye Atagi, where the base of Arab mercenaries led by the Algerian Abu Tarik was destroyed. Wahhabi and his people, holed up in one of the bunkers, were destroyed by a riot police assault group. Then the police managed to seize dozens of artillery and anti-tank shells, mortars, MANPADS, machine guns and 15 thousand pieces of ammunition. Riot police arrested 14 Wahhabis. In the village of Starye Atagi, seven underground bunkers and an explosives laboratory were destroyed.
As is known, in addition to Musa Gazimagomadov, several Chechens who died in battles in the North Caucasus became Heroes of Russia. On May 9 of this year, this award was received by the relatives of Dzhabrail Yamadayev, the commander of a special forces company of the Russian Ministry of Defense, who died in March 2003 in the Vedeno region of Chechnya in a booby trap explosion. This action, according to some information, was ordered and organized by terrorist Basayev and his entourage.
Another Chechen policeman, junior sergeant Rizvan Baskhanov, was awarded the title of Hero of Russia (posthumously) in September 2002. An employee of the special traffic police company died in battle in the village of Komsomolskoye, Grozny district, while pursuing a gang of Wahhabis. One of the militants tried to blow himself and the policemen up. Rizvan Baskhanov covered the grenade with his body...